Gorgeous text by Mikhail Mokretsov about Ivanovo mafia clans and groups - alexander vakurov. Honorary titles and awards

”, And later Rakhmankov“ put me on the shelves ”. Coincidence? Not at all.

Many journalists know that it is not the first year that a large-scale PR campaign has been going on in the Ivanovo media to create a bright image of Mr. Fomin. This idea was voiced very well yesterday by “1000 inf”.

For example, Mashkevich and Mokretsov focus on comparing Kuzmichev and Fomin (in this battle, of course, Fomin knocks out the former head of the city).

By the way, such an observant "Kursiv" could not help but notice that earlier the same Mokretsov spitefully laughed at Fomin like this, and still like this, carefully calculating all the incomes of the Fomin family and generally offended the completely niuvinous Rafik official at any opportunity. And recently, suddenly the name of Germanovich on “Ivanovolayf” sounded in a positive way: “Now we will live,” “Fomin is completing his vertical,” and even “Kuzmichev-discoverer” is running errands for Fomin.

Well, about "37ru" has already been written a hundred times. This resource was created as a special PR platform in case of the participation of the failed governor Fomin in the elections.

The "private trader" under his command is also Fomin's mouthpiece.

And you want to say that the leading Ivanovo media and journalists just sing the praises of Fomin for nothing out of the simplicity of their soul and out of personal sympathy? Do not make me laugh. Journalists are not the environment to scold someone, let alone praise someone for free.

The same Rakhmankov (and this is a well-known fact for many) has long been lured by the former deputy T. Feroyan and the well-known I. Edilsultanov. That is why Vladimir so clung to my thought from the last post that the scrap flew to Lodyshkin for a reason, but, possibly, with the assistance of E. Kholosha.

But, dear readers, pay attention to an extremely important nuance. In the publication “Lodyshkin was punched through the roof,” written after Rakhmankov completely ignores Fomin and Edilsultanov, shifting all the arrows only to Kholosha. Of course! After all, "Zhenya-Dictaphone" does not pay Volodya, as other heroes do.

By the way, "Cursive" says that the nickname Kholoshi is known only in narrow circles. Accordingly, the question. How does Rakhmankov know about this? Yes, and also such details that Evgeny Evgenievich records all conversations? Maybe Vladimir is part of that very narrow circle? Or communicates with people from that very narrow circle? Unclear.

However, the fact indicated in "Italics" should be remembered by the angelic Alexander Germanovich when he next goes to a secret meeting with Kholosha.

Also, for some reason, the NON-OBSERVING "Italic" did not notice, and my long-standing observations about Mr. Fomin, written back in April-May last year. As you can see, it all started far from that week, as Rakhmankov claims.

And in general it is strange that the journalist discerned my attention to the figure of Fomin in that crime story, but missed the downright crazy excitement in many Ivanovo media around the vice-governor in recent weeks. In January, only the lazy did not write about an excellent official. Read,. And, and too. The Savior is not called as soon as: "bonus", "triumphant", hope and compass.

In general, this is all I need? A deuce to you, Vladimir, for the analysis! Analytics is not your strong point. Why go into such a jungle? Although, perhaps, I can guess why. Fees must be worked out

Judging by the fact that since the release of my last post, the number of laudatory publications in the Ivanovo media against Alexander Germanovich has grown, and immediately after him several journalists rushed to throw at me accusations of involvement in law enforcement and the "order for Fomin", all my statements and the conclusions are true. Thanks to my colleagues, who by their actions only confirmed and made it obvious to everyone that I was right.

If someone is not impressed by the facts that indicate a close connection between the interests of government officials and criminals, the other day I will tell a more terrible story. Scrap and burning of cars of illegal carriers will seem like child's play.

By the way, my esteemed colleague claims that the road transport business is not even under Fomin's wing, but under Chernyavsky. I will reveal a terrible secret. This news is out of date. Yes, indeed, Chernyavsky and our region are still linked by close business interests. But transport is no longer included in this list. And, believe me, I also have a story to tell about Mr. Chernyavsky. Like many other famous figures of our long-suffering land. Please be patient, dear readers!

Who actually has the main role - Kholoshi, Fomin, Feroyan, Edilsultanov, Me, Konkov, Speransky or someone else - time will tell.

After the story with A. Nikitin, for whom I still have special feelings, I really count on the interest in the blog of law enforcement officers. And I hope for their response, so that new criminal cases appear. And there, what the hell is not kidding, and new landings.

By the way, a few words about almost everyone forgotten general.

Alexander Dmitrievich is great. Having been in the police all his life, he managed to build a huge house in Novosibirsk for his mother, buy an apartment in the English quarter for his common-law wife, and did not forget his son from his first marriage. While dad is eating gruel, Nikita Nikitin boasts on his instagram about the imminent opening of his own cafe in the center of Novosibirsk. Let me remind you that Nikita is a little over 20 years old. And he's a student. I probably earned a lot of hard work for the restaurant.

Mikhail Mokretsov
15.02.2014.

Apparently, the Ivanovo FSB department believes that Yusup Biltuev is trying to establish control over some government structures in the region through Vice Governor Alexander Fomin.

Yesterday I met with the Ivanovo FSB officers, at their request, of course. At first, as, apparently, it is customary for them, they cast a shadow over the fence. Quite awkwardly, they tried to justify themselves by the failed auction for the conclusion of a state contract for the repair of the FSB base in Nikulsky.

It turns out that the reason that only one bid was submitted is because of the special license. Obtaining such a license, in fact, is not difficult. However, proceeding from the logic of the Ivanovo FSB, there was no one in the entire Russian Federation, except for the Ivanovo SAGA + LLC, who could claim to perform these works, therefore the auction did not take place, and there was no price reduction, that is, the savings of the federal budget funds It was.

But when it was necessary to cut 146 million budget funds allocated for informatization of Ivanovo health care, the "Dynamo" from Saransk quickly arrived, and the Ivanovo specialists were pushed aside: Pakhomov did not even make a sound. Where are these 146 million now, at whose dachas? - that would be what the FSB were interested in, otherwise, just a few days ago, Acting Governor Konkov was forced to start informatization of Ivanovo healthcare from scratch.

In fact, this is all empty talk: it was obvious that the guys were just working out a certain scenario of a conversation with a clearly rotten preamble. All these things are long gone, and before the meeting they said that they urgently need it.

Well, in the end we rolled our piano out of the bushes. They were interested in "The acting governor offends the vice governor."

Of the complex of pseudo-scientific considerations that we exchanged on the topic of the article, only two specific questions were raised: "Who ordered?" and "Have you recently been threatened by Yusup Biltuev or Isa?" Apparently, Isa means Isa Khakashovich Edilsultanov.

Yusup Biltuev since the time of almost Perestroika has been listed as the informal leader of the Chechen diaspora in the Ivanovo region, who, among other things, controls (controlled?), Shall we say, the shadowy sphere of Chechen activity. And this is not a secret for anyone.

Several years ago, the FSB agents squeezed out the Chechens, cutting off oxygen for them both in shady and legal businesses. This happened not without the help of the Menevskys (more on this later).

With the departure of Mikhail Men and his team, a power vacuum formed in the Ivanovo region and, apparently, the FSB fears that Biltuev is now actively trying to establish control or, at least, increase his influence in the regional government and its structures.

This is quite logical, and everyone is doing this now. In the poor Ivanovo region, where there is practically no developed industry, the budget is the only serious source of money.

After carefully reading my own article, in the context of such an interest of the Ivanovo FSB, I made the only possible conclusion that Yusup Biltuev is spreading his influence through Vice Governor Alexander Fomin. Although, perhaps, and through some third party, which will use the obvious antagonism of the Konkov-Kabanov group with the Fomin group, in order to strengthen itself. In general, it can now be said with almost one hundred percent certainty that Fomin is closely linked with the Chechens.

The budget is the only real cash flow. Officials control the budget. This means that playing “friend or foe” with bureaucracy is the most important game of the region. This increases the interest of the FSB many times over, since in this context it is no longer just about commercial profits, but about the stability of the executive authorities.

Under Governor Mena, the Chechens were pushed aside, and at that time everyone even began to forget about them. The Feroyan family managed to get closer to Menu and Pakhomov, and in several years they increased their well-being several times, if not dozens of times. This is the price of being close to power.

The current situation in the region is alarming from the point of view of stability. Governor Men and his accomplices have built a very effective system for pumping money from the budget of the Ivanovo region. You can consider this a superficial judgment, but I, closely observing state purchases, am sure that the region under the existing system of organizing state and municipal auctions incurs direct losses of at least one billion rubles a year.

Key positions in the government and near-government structures in the era of Me were occupied by people who either did not have Ivanovo roots at all, or the so-called upstarts - without well-established connections. Therefore, Menev's team was a closed, stable system, which had almost no influence and could not be exerted by the local get-together: legal, criminal, semi-criminal, and the like.

Power easily sucked in some figures and with the same ease pulled them out of itself, as it was autonomous and independent.

With the resignation of the governor, the management and functioning system collapsed overnight. At the same time, the mechanism for pumping out money is still working successfully. But someone has to straddle the cash flows. It's like a revolution in a banana republic: all around the war of everyone against everyone, it would seem, they do not spare anything, destroying everything around them, but they do not touch the oil rigs and pipelines.

Everyone wants to stick to the Ivanovo budgetary "oil pipeline". At the same time, only Ivanovo boys and girls remained, which radically changes the landscape. Sitting exactly on the priest in one province all their lives, the Ivanovo characters have acquired such a huge number of acquaintances, connections and commitments that it is impossible even to single out stable groups and clans.

Everyone owes everyone. As long as you get on the career or business ladder to at least some levers and feeders, you already owe everything, including crime, semi-crime and law enforcement.

This soup is now on fire, and may even boil. The Ivanovo FSB does not want this very much. Who's to blame? Yes, all sorts of manipulators from "United Russia" and the Kremlin administration, who outsmarted themselves.

This is the only important question today: how to maintain power? And they come up with all sorts of schemes that should either confuse the brains of the electorate, or provide a technological advantage. Often, at the same time, they themselves drop an ax on their feet or something sharper and heavier.

The whole bazaar in the Ivanovo region today is due to the fact that there is no governor. Konkov - it is not clear who. Even if we proceed from his high chances of becoming governor, this does not cancel attempts to discredit him and bring him under control now, since in his current status he is not even a lame duck, but a disabled pigeon.

The head of the Sergiev Posad region resigned much later than the governor of the Ivanovo region, and there are already elections. We have so many things that can happen before the elections.

Fought for political stability in the regions, established a special procedure for electing governors even in the event of early termination of powers? Well, eat the fruits of your own idiocy. Now in the Ivanovo region there would already be a legally elected and authorized governor Konkov, and most of the problems would be removed.

In the meantime, it turns out this way: Konkov builds a temporary control scheme, a temporary control scheme, even the most worthless are going to fish in troubled waters, no one knows anything and does not understand how it will end, the FSB have psychosis.

Assistant to the Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the Northwestern Federal District

Assistant to the Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the North-West Federal District (since January 2012). Prior to that - Deputy Minister of Defense (from August 2010 to December 2011). From April 2010 to July 2011, he was the chief of staff of the Ministry of Defense, previously - the head of the Federal Tax Service (FTS, 2007-2010), deputy head of the FTS (2004-2006). He worked in the tax department since 2000 - he headed the department of international tax relations, was the deputy head of the tax departments in Moscow and St. Petersburg. In 1996-2000, he held the post of general director of the auditing company A & P Audit.

Mikhail Pavlovich Mokretsov was born in 1961 in the village of Menil, Igrinsky District, Udmurt Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. In 1984 he graduated from the Voznesensky Leningrad Institute of Finance and Economics with a degree in economics. After graduating from high school, he passed military service as a financial officer in the armed forces of the USSR.

In 1986-1988, Mokretsov worked as an accountant, accountant-auditor, deputy chief accountant of the Bolshevik plant (Leningrad). In 1989-1992 he was the chief accountant of the foreign trade enterprise DAP International, in 1992-1996 he was the financial director of the Rosagriko company. From 1996 to 2000, he was the general director and one of the founders of the audit firm "A & P Audit",,.

Since 2000, Mokretsov was in the public service in the tax authorities. He was the head of the department for organizational, inspection and control work of the department of the Ministry of Taxes and Levies (MNS) in St. Petersburg. In 2001-2004, he held the position of deputy head of this department. In 2004, he was transferred to the capital to the position of deputy head of the Moscow Tax Office, after which he became the head of the International Tax Relations Department of the central office of the Ministry of Taxes and Tax Collection.

On November 19, 2004, Mokretsov became Deputy Head of the Federal Tax Service Anatoly Serdyukov (the Federal Tax Service was created in connection with the reorganization of the Ministry of Taxes and Tax Collection during the administrative reform). In this position, he coordinated the work of a number of key divisions of the service: administration of income tax, value added tax and excise taxes. Observers noted that these three taxes in 2006 provided half of all budget revenues collected by the FTS (2.85 out of 5.7 trillion rubles). Under the leadership of Mokretsov, the official position of the Federal Tax Service was developed on the criteria for the bad faith of taxpayers when paying VAT. In particular, suppliers and buyers involved in VAT refunds through accounts opened with the same bank, as well as those with “non-obvious” profitability of transactions, were classified as unfair. In addition, Mokretsov oversaw the analysis and planning department, represented the Federal Tax Service in the commission for interaction with the Ministry of Finance, and during the absence of the head of the service, Serdyukov, performed his duties. The media paid particular attention to the similarity between the biographies of Mokretsov and Serdyukov. Both were born in the early sixties in the provinces, studied at Leningrad economic universities, worked for a considerable time in commercial structures, in 2000 they simultaneously came to work in the St. Petersburg tax administration, together in 2004 they were transferred to Moscow,,.

On February 21, 2007, by order of the Prime Minister of the Russian Federation Mikhail Fradkov No. 202-r, Mokretsov was appointed head of the Federal Tax Service. He took this post after on February 15 Serdyukov, as a result of personnel reshuffles made by Russian President Vladimir Putin, was appointed Minister of Defense of the Russian Federation, replacing Sergei Ivanov in this post. The former head of the defense department, who previously combined this position with the post of deputy prime minister, was promoted to the rank of first deputy chairman of the Russian government on the same day,.

As the head of the Federal Tax Service, Mokretsov carried out several significant reorganizations of the department, which led to a significant reduction in the number of departments (from 22 to less than a dozen) and the reassignment of some of them directly to the head of the service. However, it was found that, due to poor administration, the tax incentives needed to support innovation projects were underperforming. In addition, Mokretsov's tenure as head of the Federal Tax Service fell on the financial crisis, during which the tax authorities' pressure on business increased - Finance Minister Alexei Kudrin also reproached Mokretsov for excessive pressure on business.

According to Mokretsov's 2009 income statement, during this period the head of the Federal Tax Service earned 3.9 million rubles.

In early April 2010, Mokretsov was dismissed from the post of head of the Federal Tax Service in connection with the transfer to another job, and his place was taken by Mikhail Mishustin. According to some reports, the change of the chief tax officer took place by mutual agreement of Kudrin and Serdyukov due to the fact that the latter ceased to informally supervise the work of the Federal Tax Service.

On April 7, 2010, Russian Defense Minister Serdyukov appointed Mokretsov as Chief of Staff of the Ministry of Defense. In this regard, the press emphasized that Mokretsov was becoming the most influential civilian in the ministry after Serdyukov himself. In August of the same year, Mokretsov, in addition to this position, received the post of Deputy Defense Minister.

On July 7, 2011, by decree of President Dmitry Medvedev, Mokretsov was dismissed from the post of head of the ministry's staff, his place was taken by former adviser to Serdyukov Elena Vasilieva. At the same time, Mokretsov retained the post of Deputy Defense Minister,. The reason for this rearrangement, according to media reports, was the disagreement between Mokretsov and Serdyukov on the distribution of funding within the framework of the state defense order.

In September 2011, it became known that Mokretsov was included in the "black list" of high-ranking officials, compiled by the Russian government, responsible for disrupting important state projects. On November 15, 2011, the media reported that Serdyukov proposed to release Mokretsov from the post of Deputy Defense Minister. The press wrote that this decision was prompted by continuing disagreements between the minister and his deputy for the financing of the army. According to other sources, the reason was a personal conflict between Mokretsov and Vasilyeva. On December 10, 2011, the order to resign Mokretsov was signed by President Medvedev.

On January 30, 2012, Mokretsov was appointed Assistant to the Plenipotentiary Envoy of the President of the Russian Federation for the North-West Federal District Nikolai Vinnichenko.

Used materials

Ivan Safronov Jr., Anna Pushkarskaya... Mikhail Mokretsov found a job. - Kommersant, 06.03.2012. - № 40 (4825)

Mikhail Shevchuk... Former head of the Federal Tax Service and Deputy Defense Minister Mikhail Mokretsov became an assistant to the plenipotentiary in the Northwestern Federal District. - Business Petersburg, 07.02.2012

Yuri Gavrilov... Deputy Defense Minister Mikhail Mokretsov was relieved of his post. - Russian newspaper, 16.12.2011. - №5660 (284)

Was Mikhail Mokretsov fired for disrupting the state defense order? - Moscow's comsomolets, 15.12.2011

Mokretsova was let down by a woman. - Arguments of the Week, 23.11.2011

There is only a place left of Mikhail Mokretsov. - Kommersant, 22.11.2011. - № 218 (4759)

Anastasia Litvinova... The government has drawn up a blacklist of deputy ministers. - RBK, 02.09.2011

The noble Ivanovo party will not publish this, but it is necessary to read it, so I myself.

Colleague Aleksey Mashkevich forwarded the letter of an anonymous author, or rather a few anonymous ones, since a group of technologists is clearly working. This text was received by many addressees in Ivanovo (except me, of course). And it is possible that soon I will also receive from them (Kshl Rock [email protected]) some letters - as a method of psychological pressure.

The purpose of the letter from the Konkov group of political strategists is quite obvious: to discredit Mikhail Mokretsov in order to question any of his texts, or rather, the semantic message that will be contained in them. At first they thought about whether to hire me, and then they decided that Mokretsov was not too big - and just get wet.

The last straw, obviously (from the text of the letter as well), was the article “Boycott of the election of the governor of the Ivanovo region”. This shows not only the main theme of the upcoming election campaign, which was discussed in the article, but also that panic reigns in the headquarters of Konkov and United Russia. Because they made the wrong approach, even purely technologically, approaching political technologies formally, like students of the Faculty of Political Science during their summer practice in the Ivanovo region.

For some reason they do not realize that I am not the main person here. My site can serve as a certain catalyst for certain topics for discussion, but this does not set a trend.

The low turnout, lack of intrigue and, as a result, the dubious legitimacy of the elected governor are objectively outside the context of my activities. All this is already present, and in order to increase or decrease the level of the problem, completely different resources are needed, and not a website, and the image of Mokretsov does not play a big role here. In addition, nothing will harm or help this image. Well, and texts like the one you read below, rather, can give the opposite effect to the desired one.

For an inexperienced reader, I will suggest that the beginning of a letter mentioning Averin, Crimea and hatred of your country is a simple technological method of linking the negative with the figure whose image must be influenced.

I know approximately what kind of group of technologists it is, and in connection with this letter I can say that Pasha Konkov screwed up on a big scale. However, I must admit that it was interesting for me to read. Enjoy!

“The activity of Ivanovo bloggers and some print media has gone off scale lately. There is such a sign: mud poured in streams - this is for elections. And everyone is watered: officials, security officials, deputies, municipalities, the President, the country ... The main problem of the Ivanovoites (yes, of all Russians) is hatred of their state. Note how happy our fellow countryman Vitaly Averin and his colleagues in opposition to sanctions against Russia are; with what a sense of wild satisfaction they retweet every filth thrown towards our state, and proudly call themselves patriots.

And Mikhail Mokretsov? This Ivanov's genius of analysis, ready to sell himself even to the horned devil for money, generally announced a boycott of the elections. Why, one wonders? If you don't want to vote, don't go. But no ...

Greedy for money, a contender for the title of the best blogger-2014, he sold out with giblets to Yablokova G.A. and her weekly. Now the "absolutely independent" Mokretsov works for the owner of the "Ivanovo-Press" publication, and with her he throws mud at Konkov and his team.

And what, in fact, did not please the current interim? Well, with Mene, everything is clear: not local, glamorous, party. Skates are different: from Ivanovo, simple, without aristocratic habits, is not noticed in social events, he travels to Ivanovo villages, communicates with people. And still bad! Who is good to you, you ask? Like who? Fomin Alexander Germanovich: decent, honest, clean, spotless.

I am surprised, and how is it that Fomin, having been in power for 10 years in the highest positions, keeps the brand of a crystal clear politician? Kuzmichev, according to the same “Ivanovo-Press”, is a thief and a swindler, and Alexander Germanovich, sitting in his chair, was an honest leader. The entire government both under Mena and under Konkov, as some journalists claim, are completely corrupt, and only Alexander Germanovich, being the vice-governor (and earlier - the deputy chairman of the Government), is clean as a baby. At the same time, mind you, he oversees the most acute and corrupt areas: housing and communal services, roads, construction ... Double standards, however, are with Messrs. Yablokova and Mokretsov ...

And Fomin in the end result is just some kind of Batman! And very modest, too! Users of Ivanovo Internet resources sleep and see Fomin as the governor, but he is being modest! No, he says, he is ready to work only for the image and benefit of his boss, Konkov, and he himself is no-no in the governor's chair.

He says, Alexander Germanovich, beautifully and correctly, but his actions are not as beautiful as his words. Silently from the whole Ivanovo world, our humble Batman-Fomin, the savior of the Ivanovo land, is quite good financially warming up his old acquaintance G.A. Yablokova, weekly giving her a tidy sum in her hands. At the same time, the meetings are held in the best espionage traditions: under cover of night and in complete secrecy. Here are the "legs" of that stream of criticism, slander, and insults that are poured out on Konkov and his team weekly from the pages of Ivanovo-Press and in M. Mokretsov's blog!

I remember that not so long ago Mokretsov himself mentioned Fomin's connection with people from Chechnya Isa Edilsultanov and Yusup Biltuev. It turns out that independent M. Mokretsov, together with the owner Yablokova, is promoting Fomin with the money of the Chechens! Oil painting ...

Now it is clear why it is Yablokova in "Ivanovo-Press" and Mokretsov in the blog bypasses the vice-governor. It's just that Fomin, who is already tired of not wanting to be governor, pays for the journalists to campaign to compromise Konkov and disrupt the elections.

Here is such a cheerful bunch of "Chechens - Fomin - Yablokova - Mokretsov" looms in our glorious city. And you say it's boring, there is no pre-election intrigue.

To be continued…"

In November last year, the tenants of house 12 on Desantnikov Street learned that for several years they had owned the passage in front of the house and all responsibility for it. Including financial.

This information became known by chance, when the question of repair arose. The local municipality refused to repair the driveway in front of the house. They referred to the fact that the site was in the shared ownership of the residents of house No. 12. This means that tenants should pay for it from their own pockets.

“The road is already decently broken. In theory, the question of repairs should be raised, but for this repair you have to pay from the funds collected by the house ",

- Yuri Zvyagin, a member of the House Council, told Moika78.

The residents of the house, led by the Council, turned to the district administration with a request to find out. There, their appeal was forwarded to the Property Relations Committee. The tenants do not know what happened next, but they still have not received any answers.

The letter addressed to the vice-governor and chairman of the property relations committee Mikhail Mokretsov also did not bring any results.

As it became known to Moika78, both letters were sent to the Department of Land Management and Provision of Cadastral Works.

“The letter was received on February 22. The month has not yet passed. A letter from the applicants themselves came on 26 February. The deadline is not overdue in any case. The answer is ready, now it is on the signature of the management of the Land Management Department, "

- said Inna Trepakova, chief specialist of the department for the formation of land plots of the land management and provision of cadastral works.

They complained to the department that there were a lot of letters. However, with the creation of the State Property Management Committee "Property of St. Petersburg", there are still fewer of them. Some of the requests are forwarded there, some still remain with the Land Administration.

“If something was done before the creation of the Property of St. Petersburg, then we are doing it. New appeals are sent to the State Civil Code ",

- explained to "Moika78" in the committee.

However, there are several nuances here. The committee on property relations could not answer exactly which ones.

While the appeals of the disgruntled townspeople are sent from one department to another for the next signatures, the problems remain unresolved. The driveway is still broken and, for some unknown reason, is owned by residents of house 12 on Desantnikov Street.

If the committee on property relations does not give an answer, the tenants will have to go to the prosecutor's office or even to the court. However, this will be difficult to do. Since the claim period has expired, tenants will have to somehow prove that they only learned about the problem a few months ago.

 

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