Medvedev Dmitry Anatolyevich investigation. Prime Minister Medvedev is accused of corruption, but Russians don't care. Navalny connected Dyachenko and Medvedev on orders for sneakers and shirts

The Anti-Corruption Foundation has published a new investigative film dedicated to the “palaces, yachts and vineyards” of Dmitry Medvedev, “He’s Not Dimon.” The full version of the film is available on Alexei Navalny’s YouTube channel; a transcript of the film’s voice-over text is published on the politician’s website. The portal Tjournal.ru writes about this.

According to representatives of the FBK Investigation Department, they were very mistaken in considering the Russian Prime Minister a “funny eccentric.” During the investigation, its authors came to the conclusion that Medvedev was not “a lover of funny gadgets,” but the creator and head of a “multi-level corruption scheme.”

As the Anti-Corruption Foundation writes, property owned by Medvedev was purchased “with bribes from oligarchs and loans from state banks,” which are controlled by people close to the prime minister. According to FBK, they own land, estates and houses worth several billion rubles in the most elite areas of the country - Rublyovka, Krasnaya Polyana and Medvedev’s homeland in the Kursk region.

In addition to residential real estate, activists also found that the head of the Russian government owned agro-industrial complexes and wineries in Russia and Italy, with a total area of ​​more than a million square kilometers, and two yachts named after his wife, each worth a billion rubles.

Experts who examined Medvedev’s property added that the “criminal scheme” created by the prime minister was based on non-profit foundations, and not on offshores traditional for global corruption. This scheme is managed, according to FBK, by “friends, classmates and trusted representatives” of Medvedev.

On the eve of the release of the investigation “He’s Not Your Dimon,” the Investigation Department of the Anti-Corruption Foundation noted that it took more than six months to prepare. Anti-corruption activists later added that it was very difficult for them to prove the involvement of the head of the Russian government in the scheme they uncovered, but in the end Medvedev was “given ordinary sneakers.”

After the publication of the investigation, the Anti-Corruption Foundation sent a statement to the Investigative Committee demanding that criminal cases be initiated against Dmitry Medvedev and businessman Alisher Usmanov under Articles 290 and 291 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (“receiving” and “giving a bribe,” respectively). The reason for the complaint to the investigative authorities was a house worth 5 billion rubles in the village of Znamenskoye near Moscow, which Usmanov, according to FBK, donated to one of the charitable foundations associated with Medvedev.

Press secretary of the head of government Natalya Timakova said that the film by the Anti-Corruption Foundation “has a clear pre-election character,” which, in her opinion, is confirmed by Navalny’s words at the end of the film. Timakova called Navalny a “convicted character” and refused to further comment on his “propaganda attacks.”

Marketing manager of the Italian company Fattoria della Aiola Daria Ivleva said that she does not have any information about the connection between the company mentioned in the FBK film and Dmitry Medvedev. She added that at the time of the conversation with journalists she was not familiar with the contents of the anti-corruption investigation and did not know about it.

The communists proposed in their document to instruct the Duma Security Committee to request information from security forces and registration authorities and organize an investigation into the alleged illegal activities of the charitable foundations and individuals mentioned in the FBK film in order to “understand the degree of reliability of the examples voiced by A.A. Navalny.” in the publication “He’s not Dimon for you.”

The head of the Duma Committee on Security and Anti-Corruption, United Russia member Vasily Piskarev, stated that “not a single one of his [Navalny’s] so-called investigations, including the last one in question, had and has nothing to do with the truth, much less with the fight against corruption." “The product of his creativity, as it turned out earlier, and I am sure, is now a kind of symbiosis of dirt, fantasy, staged tricks and falsifications with a pronounced political and provocative context,” the head of the security committee emphasized.

The day before, the speaker of the lower house, Vyacheslav Volodin, initiated the communists to check the facts of the FBK investigation. He stated that “it is wrong to involve the Duma in this story” and sees no point in considering the order, since “there is no injured party, there are no facts of bribery,” and this film “spreads false information.”

At the same time, the State Duma supported the protocol order of United Russia, demanding to investigate the corruption ties of ex-KPRF deputy Denis Voronenkov, who was killed in Kyiv. The authors of the text note that the deceased parliamentarian “used his corrupt connections in the Moscow prosecutor’s office, which closed the case.”

Deputies asked the Duma Security Committee to verify these facts by requesting information from the Prosecutor General's Office, "and also to report who worked in the leadership of the Moscow prosecutor's office in the period from 2000 to 2003." The State Duma supported the order. In turn, Sergei Reshulsky (Communist Party of the Russian Federation) saw in this decision a response to the demarche of the Communist faction against the leader of the United Russia Dmitry Medvedev. In his opinion, the order of United Russia is directly caused by the proposal of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation to investigate the facts of Medvedev’s corruption, since they are trying to remind that the current deputy from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, Yuri Sinelshchikov, worked in the leadership of the Moscow prosecutor’s office in those years.​

On March 26, mass protests against corruption took place in more than 100 Russian cities. The reason for going to the rallies was the publication by Navalny’s FBK of a film about the property of Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev, “He’s Not Dimon to You.” The investigation stated that funds associated with Medvedev own property totaling 70 billion rubles.

Medvedev’s press secretary Natalya Timakova immediately after the release of the investigation stated that the FBK film “has a pronounced pre-election character, as he himself says.” According to her, it makes no sense to comment on the “propaganda attacks of an oppositional and convicted character.”

The prime minister himself commented on the FBK accusations a month later; on April 4, he stated that the investigation into his real estate and related funds was done according to the “compote principle.” “They pick up all sorts of crap there, collect all sorts of nonsense about me, if it concerns me, about people I know, and about people I’ve never even heard of. About some places I've been. About some places that I have never heard of either. They collect some papers, photographs, clothes there. Then they create such a product and present it,” Medvedev said during a meeting with workers of the Tambov Bacon LLC plant.

The “Dar” Foundation, stated in the publication, is headed by Medvedev’s classmate and friend Ilya Eliseev. Navalny calls him one of the closest people to the head of government. Thus, Eliseev manages the Mansurovo agricultural complex and other agricultural enterprises in the Kursk region, as follows from the Unified State Register of Legal Entities. In the same area, the Navalny Foundation notes, the head of government has a “family estate, which he regularly visits”: “A chapel was built on the site of a house that once belonged to Medvedev’s grandfather. The estate and tens of thousands of square meters of agricultural land are the property of Mansurovo.

Among the members of the board of directors of Mansurovo is Andrei Medvedev, whom FBK calls the prime minister’s cousin. He is also the owner of a small share in the Seim-Agro company. The main founder of Seim-Agro is the Kurskpromteplitsa company, which belongs to the Sotsgosproekt foundation, associated with Medvedev.

Andrei Medvedev refused to confirm to RBC his family connection with the Russian prime minister. “This is a purely personal question, I do not consider it necessary to answer it,” he said. He also noted that “he received neither help nor interference from the said person [Dmitry Medvedev].” “If this were really the case, as a true patriot of our state, I would be truly saddened. Such accusations have no basis. This is fiction and folklore,” Medvedev is sure.

Vineyard in Tuscany

A subsidiary of the Dar Foundation has registered a house on Rublyovka and 20 hectares of land, which previously belonged to the presidential administration and were sold, according to FBK, “200 times cheaper than the market value.” FBK refers to court materials and information from Rosreestr.

Eliseev’s student Philip Polyansky and former director of Dar heads the company Certum-Invest, as indicated in the extract from the Unified State Register of Legal Entities. The company acquired a historic mansion in St. Petersburg, then transferred it to Dar, after which the building was rebuilt into an elite building of 29 apartments.

Eliseev owns the Cyprus offshore company Furcina, to which two sea yachts are registered, according to extracts from the Cyprus register of legal entities. FBK estimated their cost at $16 million. “We see them moored near the Milovka estate in Ples, which is Medvedev’s residence. Both yachts are named “Photinia”, which is the church equivalent of the name Svetlana. This is the name of Dmitry Medvedev’s wife,” the authors of the investigation note.

A winery in Italian Tuscany is registered with the same offshore company, as indicated in the legal entity’s annual report. “After the purchase, Sergei Stupnitsky became the manager of the winery, a man who had previously worked as the director of another winery associated with the Prime Minister, Anapa’s Skalistoy Bereg,” FBK emphasizes. A representative of Fattoria della Aiola, through which Furcina controls wine production, in a comment to RNS denied the winery’s connection with Medvedev.

The Sotsgosproekt fund, associated with Medvedev, according to SPARK-Interfax, owns a stake in the Skalisty Bereg company. She, in turn, owns vineyards in Anapa. One of the directors of the Rocky Coast subsequently became the director of the Gradislava Foundation. Medvedev’s Plyos estate is “registered” to this fund, the authors of the investigation write.

In addition to Eliseev, FBK names Vladimir Dyachenko as a key figure in the prime minister’s entourage. “This person is involved in the daily management of the Rublyovsky estate in Znamensky, received as a gift from Alisher Usmanov,” Navalny’s foundation points out.

Donations and loans

Navalny writes, citing financial statements, that funds associated with Medvedev have several sources of funding. Firstly, as FBK notes, “NOVATEK shareholders Leonid Mikhelson and Leonid Simanovsky contributed 33 billion rubles to the authorized capital of the Dar fund.” Secondly, the management company of the Dar fund received loans from Gazprombank in the amount of 11 billion rubles, as follows from the financial institution’s reporting. “Such support from Gazprombank can be explained very simply. Medvedev’s main confidant, Ilya Eliseev, is the deputy chairman of the board of this bank,” Navalny points out. “Together with the money received from the oligarchs, the volume of funds circulating between Medvedev’s funds and companies is almost 70 billion rubles.”

The Meritage company manages all the property of the Prime Minister. FBK makes this conclusion, for example, on the basis that the company selects personnel for all other legal entities associated with the head of government.

“Although Eliseev is a classmate of Medvedev, he is still a fairly independent figure. That is, what belongs to Eliseev cannot also belong to Medvedev. For the role of majordomo - manager of Medvedev’s property, Eliseev’s figure is too big,” -

Director of the Anti-Corruption Foundation (FBK) Alexei Navalny Roman Rubanov sent a statement to the Investigative Committee of the Russian Federation to initiate a criminal case against the Prime Minister of the Russian Federation Dmitry Medvedev and businessman Alisher Usmanova. Vedomosti writes about this with reference to the text of the statement. Previously, FBK published an investigation in which it convicted Medvedev of owning luxury real estate through charitable foundations.

Bribery case

FBK demands that a criminal case be opened against Dmitry Medvedev under Article 290 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (“taking a bribe”), and against Alisher Usmanov - under Article 291 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (“giving a bribe”). The statement says that in 2010, to the Fund for Support of Socially Significant State Projects (according to FBK, the fund is organized and managed by Medvedev), Usmanov donated a plot of land in the village of Znamenskoye near Moscow under a property donation agreement and a real estate donation agreement.

The investigation indicated that the chairman of the fund’s supervisory board is Medvedev’s classmate Ilya Eliseev, and the general director is another classmate Alexey Chetvertkov. According to FBK, the market value of the property is 5 billion rubles. The Navalny Foundation considered this property a bribe, since Usmanov’s entrepreneurial activities are “substantially connected with government contracts, as well as with regulatory and non-regulatory legal acts adopted by Medvedev.”

Case of embezzlement

In addition, in another statement, Rubanov demands that a criminal case be opened under Article 160 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (“embezzlement”) in connection with investments by the Dar Regional Non-Profit Projects Fund. The director of the FBK indicates that the fund engaged in the formation of property does not have the right to dispose of it except for the purposes specified in its charter. Despite this, according to an FBK investigation, in September 2014, Dar transferred free of charge a plot of land in the Ivanovo region to the ownership of the non-profit Gradislava Foundation, and a building with an area of ​​1268.4 square meters in the village of Esto-Sadok to the Winter Olympic Sports Support Fund. . The FBK, therefore, saw signs of a crime under Part 4 of Article 160 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (“embezzlement on an especially large scale”) in the actions of the general director of Dar. Viktor Davydov.

FBK investigation

FBK March 2 investigation into the “secret empire” of Dmitry Medvedev. Alexey Navalny accuses the Prime Minister of creating a “criminal scheme” according to which Medvedev, according to FBK, with the help of proxies, received assets worth 70 billion rubles. We are talking about estates, wineries and yachts. Medvedev's press secretary Natalya Timakova refused to comment on the investigation, calling Navalny “an opposition and convicted character” waging a struggle for power.

He's not Dimon for you

It was a huge job, and at first we were not at all sure that it could be done on our own. But we did. We found and filmed (!!!) all the residences in Russia and abroad, found the damn elusive yachts and scrupulously used geotags, photos from Instagram and archival records to establish where and who sailed on them. They were hiding from the FSO guarding the facilities. We spent hundreds of man-hours analyzing social networks and looking for the necessary photos. They shoveled through offshore documentation. We looked at domain names. We literally looked at every photo of the main character for a year to find the right sneakers and shirts (that’s where it all started). We went to Tuscany to photograph vineyards, and to the Kursk region to photograph cows.

Damn, we even bought the rights to the song by the group “Combination” to make this movie more fun for you to watch.

Dmitry Anatolyevich Medvedev is not at all the harmless and comic character he seems to be. Don't let it deceive you sleeping in meetings , badminton, or passion for gadgets.

This is a very cunning and greedy person, clearly slightly obsessed with residences and luxury real estate and, for the sake of owning them, created one of the largest corruption schemes in the country. And, we must give him his due, one of the most sophisticated.

We found, described and documented the existence of a network of charitable and non-profit foundations organized by Medvedev's proxies and relatives. The word “charitable” should not confuse: the only recipients of “help” here are Medvedev and his family.

They use the funds to receive “donations” (read: bribes) from oligarchs and state-controlled banks and spend the funds on the purchase of palaces, yachts and vineyards in Russia and abroad.

And yes - it's very clever. Who owns, for example, Medvedev’s secret dacha in Plyos, about which we did a lot of research? Formally, no one. The charitable organization is the Gradislav Foundation, which means there are not even individuals who are the ultimate owners, because the property of a non-profit organization ultimately belongs only to it, and not even to its founders.

In fact, everyone understands: the dacha belongs to Medvedev. She is protected by the FSO. The service department is located there. There is even an official no-fly zone above the Plyos dacha.

That is, the corruption scheme is based on the creation of a charitable organization with a reliable person (classmate, relative) at the head. After which you can safely pump the organization with money and buy palaces-yachts with it, without fear that someone will poke it in your face with a piece of paper where your name is in the “owner” column.

There’s just one problem: there can’t be too many reliable people. If there are a small number of individuals involved in the organization, financing and management of a bunch of charitable foundations, the main feature of which is the ownership of the property of Prime Minister Medvedev, then everything becomes clear: this is corruption.

Starting with these fun colored sneakers,

we have established and documented the entire corruption empire of Dmitry Medvedev, the funds that make up it, and his closest confidants.

This
— bribes from oligarchs Usmanov and Mikhelson;
- money from Gazprombank, which has been seen many times before to act as a “wallet” to cover the expenses of high-ranking officials (see the “Vinokur case” and “Sechin’s wife’s salary case”);
— transfers from other companies (for example, a subsidiary of Bashneft).

This money was used to build, purchase and maintain:

Medvedev’s family estate and agricultural complex in Mansurovo:

Mansurovo

Mountain residence "Psekhako" in Sochi:

Vineyards in Anapa and Tuscany:

Milovka, which we showed earlier:

And much more, which we talk about in our investigation. In its video version. And in its detailed text version with all the documents.

Here I will briefly talk about only one episode, which is enough to send both Medvedev and Usmanov to the dock.

Do you know how this object worth 5 billion ended up in Medvedev’s possession?

Alisher Burkhanovich Usmanov, one of the richest oligarchs in Russia with a fortune of $12.5 billion, simply donates both land and a mansion to Medvedev’s foundation.

What should I call it? That's right: a bribe.

That's what we call it in our crime report. And in general, this entire investigation of ours, both as a whole and broken down into episodes, will be turned into statements of crimes.

Yes, we understand that now the authorities will do everything to prevent any steps that law enforcement agencies are obliged to take. That is, what happened with Chaika will be repeated. But, as they say, you have to live long in Russia. Sooner or later we will achieve our goal and see all the characters in the dock. And sitting next to them will be those who will block the investigation now.

However, even this is not the main thing now. You and I understand very well that the Kremlin will devote its main efforts not to working with “law enforcement officers” (otherwise Chaika and Bastrykin themselves don’t understand what to do), but to stop the spread of information about the investigation .

They have 100% control over their servants in uniform, but public opinion and the heads of citizens are not so easy to control. Yes, of course, zombie guy, that’s all, but nevertheless, with our joint efforts we can easily make a hole in the picture of the world of the average citizen of the Russian Federation.

Let's make efforts to achieve this together. Moreover, it has such an attractive and understandable format, with aerial filming. We must ensure that all those 20 million people below the poverty line look at Medvedev’s apartments with elevators for cars and angels for fireplaces.

Don't fall into the trap Why should I spread this link, everyone has already seen it" Not all. It is your link, your comment that is missing. It’s not enough to just throw it on Facebook today. Today. And then tomorrow. And just to be sure, in two days.

A couple of emails. SMS to your beloved grandmother. A letter to a classmate with the subject " look at Medvedev's castle in Italy».

By the way, I want to say that in social networks for older people, visual content of this kind works even better. Video clip about Medvedev's Milovka It has 4.2 million views on YouTube, and 7 million on Odnoklassniki. This is despite the fact that we ourselves did not post it on Odnoklassniki - people themselves stole it from their accounts.

If you don’t want to send it to your grandmother, but want to send it to a foreign friend, no problem - here’s a description of the investigation in English.

A separate appeal to journalists:

First of all, how much can you be afraid? You can't spend your whole life publishing what not scary.

Secondly, this is your traffic, your clicks, your circulation. People read nothing better than investigations of corruption with such texture.

Thirdly, this is your chance to make your profession interesting and rewarding. Each episode of this investigation can and should be supplemented with its own story. Comment from an interested person. Just going to the scene of the event. We have revealed only the most basic things. Who knows, maybe you will get attached to something (like we do to sneakers) and find something that will make you the main journalist in the country. Your name will be mentioned in journalism departments when talking about how to do investigations.

In general, dear everyone, help. Our work has no meaning unless millions know about it. This is our joint project with you, and your contribution is no less important.

Well, don’t forget that I need your signatures in support of the nomination. The Anti-Corruption Foundation exists and does such investigations only thanks to. Support us if you think we are doing something useful.

They unite and protect each other to build palaces for themselves, and let us act together to regain our country.

Dmitry Medvedev's press secretary Natalya Timakova said that the Anti-Corruption Foundation's investigation into the prime minister's "secret empire" was underway. It has a “clearly expressed election character. According to her, it is “pointless” to comment on these accusations, Interfax reports.

Having connected various facts together, we eventually came to a whole grandiose corruption empire, where there are vineyards in Anapa, vineyards in Tuscany, a mountain residence, two estates on Rublyovka... It is difficult to describe this investigation in a few words, it is very large, and it simply shows that people spent 70 billion rubles on entertainment. Georgy Alburov

The director of the Anti-Corruption Foundation (FBK) of Alexei Navalny, Roman Rubanov, sent on Thursday to the Investigative Committee of Russia (ICR) a statement to initiate a criminal case against Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev and businessman Alisher Usmanov under Art. 290 of the Criminal Code (taking a bribe) and Art. 291 of the Criminal Code (giving a bribe). Vedomosti

Mansions, vineyards, yachts: Dmitry Medvedev broke the law?

The Anti-Corruption Foundation has published a large-scale investigation about Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev. It follows from the material that people and charitable foundations associated with Medvedev own several luxury residences in Russia and abroad, agricultural land and two yachts. Alexei Navalny calls Medvedev’s actions a criminal offense; in an interview with Dozhd, he said that the prime minister “can be sent to the dock even tomorrow.” Deputy General Director of Transparency International - Russia Ilya Shumanov explained to Meduza that from the point of view of the letter of the law, it is difficult to blame Medvedev for anything.

Legal argumentation is the weakest point of the new Anti-Corruption Foundation investigation. I don’t see anything illegal in what Mr. Medvedev did. The fact is that due to gaps in Russian legislation, it turns out that all the assets listed in the investigation are registered in accordance with the law. That is, if you look precisely from the point of view of the letter of the law, everything is completely legal.

The assets discussed in the investigation belong to non-profit charitable organizations. For example, the residence donated by [businessman] Alisher Usmanov is his contribution to the NGO. Such organizations formally do not have owners and do not involve making a profit or withdrawing assets. These assets are managed by a hired manager, and it is difficult to determine who the real owner is. I will not evaluate the arguments related to sneakers and hacked emails, because they are outside the legal field and legal expertise.

Dmitry Medvedev himself is not mentioned in the documentation of the charitable organizations involved in the investigation. It mentions people close to the prime minister and, in particular, [his classmate] Ilya Eliseev. One could say that he is the nominal owner of these non-profit funds, but [in fact] he is quite a self-sufficient figure. Since 2005, Eliseev has held the position of deputy chairman of Gazprombank and is on the board of directors of Gazprom-Media, so he could have acquired all these assets himself and used them. It turns out that Medvedev may not be involved in all this.

The form of a non-profit organization is a corruption-prone hole in the Russian legal field. In this case, a legal scheme provides the opportunity for illegal enrichment and avoids liability. I think, when commenting on the investigation, Medvedev and Eliseev will point specifically to the legal side, and the ethical side will be behind the scenes.

FBK conducted a good, logical investigation. If the prime minister uses the property of the deputy chairman of the board of Gazprombank, who studied with him in the same course, this creates a situation of conflict of interest. This is a sign of a corruption offense for which there should be some kind of responsibility. But the investigation's findings do not mention a conflict of interest.

In a European country, this whole situation would be a reason for the resignation of the prime minister and cabinet, but in Russia this is unlikely.

“We found 80 percent of the schemes in 20 percent of the time spent”Interview with Georgy Alburov, one of the authors of the investigation into the property of Dmitry Medvedev

Georgy Alburov and quadcopter. Photo: Evgeny Feldman for FBK

- Did this investigation really start with a pair of sneakers seen on Dmitry Medvedev?

Of course, it started with many things at the same time, but a pair of sneakers is such a very important expressive part, it really helped us a lot. It turned out that the entire corruption scheme can be traced back to the purchase of this pair. These sneakers were ordered for one of the people closest to Prime Minister Medvedev. We began to look at what else there was behind this man - and immediately went out to vineyards, houses, including an estate in the old village of Mansurovo, where Medvedev’s ancestors lived. Yes, the sneakers helped us a lot.

Was the whole scheme drawn up quickly or was it difficult to find people close to the prime minister and identify them?

We found 80 percent of the schemes in 20 percent of the time spent. With the rest it was more difficult - we went from one legal entity to another, we did not see any connection. Then people from one of our schemes suddenly found themselves connected to companies from a completely different part of the scheme. It began to become more complicated and confusing, but with each new discovery it was clear: all these people we are talking about are directly related to Dmitry Medvedev. There were no particular difficulties with identification: lists of Medvedev’s classmates are publicly available and open. It was more difficult to identify the students, but we identified them by year of graduation.

There was still a question about one person; we could not verify him. Someone Vitaly Golovachev. He was in the insurance business in the late 1990s - he litigated on behalf of insurance companies, then disappeared for ten years and suddenly turned up as a top manager at Gazprombank, at the Meritage company, at the Dar charity foundation ( all organizations appear in the FBK investigation - approx. "Jellyfish"). Unfortunately, it was not possible to communicate with him.

- From your point of view, did all these people hide their activities very much?

Most likely, Medvedev was confident that he would transfer all the property to some non-profit foundations that do not pay taxes. He will appoint his classmates there, or their students, in cases where classmates are too pale, and this scheme will work. Yes, it is quite reliable in terms of management: all these people are close to Medvedev, super-confidants. But the problem is that the number of such people is very limited. Such a scheme could have been identified a long time ago.

- How many people were involved in the investigation?

Six months ago we started... At first there were two people, towards the end four people were involved in the investigation, and another six were involved in the website, video, graphics, music and other things. I will say this: the amount of effort we spent on making all this look good, readable and remembered is even greater than the amount of effort [spent] on collecting facts.

- Tell us about the quadcopter; filming from it is a separate important part of the investigation.

The quadcopter is our faithful fighter, he has been with us since last year and helps us a lot. This is a basic model and can be purchased at any hardware store. It shoots well: we learned how to work with it and smooth out some technical difficulties. If you estimate roughly, 20 million people have seen the video that was made with its help. This is our indispensable tool and practically a team member.

-Are the rights to the songs of the group “Combination” the same beautiful detail as with the sneakers? Why do you need them?

Not so simple! At some point we realized that we were using the song too many times. And I wouldn’t want YouTube to ban us for copyright infringement. So we went to the owners of these songs and formalized the purchase of the rights to use them. The copyright holders, interestingly, were very surprised; no one had ever bought the rights to songs from them in their lives; they didn’t even have a template agreement. It cost quite a bit of money, about 10 thousand rubles per song. It's worth it so we don't get banned.

With your investigation, you have convincingly proven that Dmitry Medvedev’s inner circle lives well. Do you think you have convincingly managed to prove that all these people were buying everything they could in the interests of the Prime Minister?

Yes, anyone can come to us and ask: what does Medvedev have to do with it? His classmates, relatives and friends are here. But we have collected enough facts for ourselves and everyone else to answer this question. Look: how many people are there in the world to whom [businessman] Alisher Usmanov gives estates, and even a real palace on Rublyovka? Not so much. Medvedev visited all these facilities and used them. We convincingly prove this.

In Psekhako, we used a drone to photograph the chimneys of a country house in the mountains and compared them with those that Medvedev posts on his Instagram. These are the same pipes. Regarding the yacht, we found the geolocation of this yacht over the past two years. She went to Plyos four times, where Medvedev has a residence, and twice to the Scarlet Sails festival in St. Petersburg. This is a holiday for graduates, a beautiful event, fireworks. Shipping is closed there at this moment. The only yacht for which an exception was made is the yacht “Photinia”, with which Medvedev took his photographs and also posted them. All this is ironclad evidence.

Part of the property you are talking about is registered in charitable foundations. Have you seen their reports? Who are they helping at all?

This is an interesting question in the sense that we don't know - they don't publish their reports. They do not submit reports to the Ministry of Justice, as required by law. Our fund is renting, but they are not. This is a direct violation of the law. They can be found on the tax office website, but it is difficult to draw correct conclusions from the information there. For example, they issue a cadastral valuation for real estate, and the estate on Rublyovka, with a market value of two billion rubles, is valued much lower.

- How do you like the first one?reactionfor investigation?

I read the reaction of [Prime Minister Natalya] Timakova’s press secretary... You know, all my life I was sure that she was a rather reserved person from whom one could not hear words like “I will not comment on the words of this opposition criminal-politician.” What kind of state did she have to be brought to in order for her to utter such words? But our investigation did it - very nice. I hope there will be more substantive comments, including from law enforcement agencies.

May I live like this, Dimon!

I strongly advise you to watch the film of the Anti-Corruption Foundation about Medvedev’s dachas, vineyards, estates and yachts. And watch it not even to find out what specific estates, apartments and mountain ranges belong to Dmitry Anatolyevich, what they look like and where they are located. And watch in order to experience this feeling. This feeling will not necessarily be indignation, disgust or disgust. Although what you will see is criminal and shameful for the country. No! I'm talking about something else.

Look at all this splendor, and then listen to yourself. And inside, if not everyone, then very many, this insidious voice will sound: “Damn! Yes, I wish I could live like this!” Really, looking at the swimming pools and the car elevator and the marble staircase in the apartment like a palace, didn’t you want to live like that for at least a couple of days? And a mansion in St. Petersburg, and a 17th century villa in Italy, and a family estate in Kursk, and just an estate in Plyos! We are not holy ascetics or altruists. But for the most part we work a lot for little money. And here, on the screen, is a life that we cannot even dream of. But someone lives such a life, and we know this person, and he is one of those who controls us!

In the end, Navalny says words that are completely obvious, but no less correct: there, at the heights of power, all this is not a secret - because at the heights of power they all live one way or something like this, in accordance with the positions they occupy and the degree of their arrogance. And I would be surprised if there is anyone among them who lives differently. And this is exactly why they strive for power. That is why power is the main asset in Russia. Neither your talents, nor your brains, nor your resourcefulness or ingenuity - nothing matters here. Only position and authority matter.

In Russia there is no point in becoming Elon Musk, because people who change the world are not needed here. We need people here who will leave everything as before. Russia does not need people who earn money thanks to incredible technologies or modern production. Because it is troublesome and time-consuming, and the risk is high. You can make money much easier and much faster by being a prosecutor, judge, minister or even prime minister, as it turns out. More precisely, not to earn, but to receive.

In developed countries, money is important because it gives power. In Russia, on the contrary, the authorities give money. And the authorities can take away the money. Ask Khodorkovsky, who was the richest man in the country and set out to change something in politics - what happened to him and did he like it? That is why the current oligarchs do not make the same mistakes and will donate billions to all sorts of fake funds and give away estates in order to remain oligarchs, and not sew mittens in prison.

Navalny made a powerful film, but I doubt that this film will blow up society. And not only because a minority of the population will still know about it. And also because millions of our fellow citizens themselves would like to live like this, and to live like this, not thanks to their talents and enterprise, but in order to have power, and to have everything that this power can give in our country. And she can give anything - if only she had imagination and arrogance.

The Kremlin responded to the FBK investigation into Medvedev’s real estate within 24 hours

The Kremlin is not “in detail” familiar with the Anti-Corruption Foundation’s investigation into Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev’s real estate. The investigation was published the day before, March 2. The Cabinet of Ministers stated that it is of an election nature.
Press Secretary of the Russian President Dmitry Peskov answered the question of whether the head of state Vladimir Putin is familiar with the investigation of Alexei Navalny’s Anti-Corruption Foundation about the “secret real estate” of Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev, an RBC correspondent reports.

“We are not familiar with the details. We saw the media reports. These are not the first examples of the work of this famous convicted citizen. There is nothing to add to what was said by the press secretary of the Prime Minister,” he said.

The day before, commenting on the investigation, the press secretary of the head of the Cabinet of Ministers, Natalya Timakova, said that the material was of a clearly pre-election nature. “Navalny’s material is clearly pre-election in nature, as he himself says at the end of the video. It makes no sense to comment on the propaganda attacks of an oppositional and convicted character who said that he is already waging some kind of election campaign and is fighting the authorities,” she noted.

The FBK investigation was published the day before, on March 2. It says that Medvedev owns “huge tracts of land in the most elite areas, manages yachts, apartments in old mansions, agricultural complexes and wineries in Russia and abroad.”

The authors of the investigation draw their conclusions based on data from Rosreestr, extracts from various registers of legal entities, as well as publications in the media and posts on social networks. At the same time, the FBK points out that the real owner of the assets “is almost impossible to track, since, being registered with charitable foundations, they do not belong to anyone.”

Such objects, according to FBK, are, in particular, real estate in the village of Znamenskoye near Rublevo-Uspenskoye Highway, an estate in the Kursk region, a winery in Italian Tuscany and a number of others. Medvedev’s property is managed by his friends, classmates and confidants, the investigation states.

The effect of an unexploded bomb: how the media did not notice Navalny’s investigation into Medvedev

FBK head Alexei Navalny called the investigation into the “secret empire of Dmitry Medvedev” published by the Anti-Corruption Foundation the foundation’s most ambitious project. Russian media reacted differently to the investigation; many ignored the FBK publication. Not only federal television channels, but also the media, which previously paid more attention to Navalny’s publications, decided not to write or talk about the investigation.

TV and Radio

Federal TV channels “Pervy”, “Russia 1” and NTV never mentioned Navalny’s investigation on their broadcast, it follows from the data of “Medialogy”, prepared at the request of Dozhd. Among cable TV channels, RBC paid attention to the investigation (17 materials during the day). From information radio stations, the publication was discussed by “Echo-Moscow” and “Business FM” - 33 and 4 materials, respectively. Kommersant FM and Vesti FM did not talk about the investigation.

Newspapers

Of the newspapers published on Friday, only two publications wrote about Navalny’s investigation: Vedomosti and Novaya Gazeta. The newspapers Kommersant, Izvestia, AiF, RBC, Moskovsky Komsomolets, Komsomolskaya Pravda and Nezavisimaya Gazeta wrote nothing about the oppositionist’s publication.

In Vedomosti, the FBK publication was devoted to the column “New Feedings” by Maria Zheleznova and Nikolai Epple in the opinion section, a material retelling the essence of the investigation “Premiere Show” on the second page, as well as Maxim Trudolyubov’s column “Inverted Tradition.”

Novaya Gazeta published the commentary “Reception against the successor.” It called the investigation “weighty and uncompromising,” seeing in the FBK publication the beginning of Navalny’s election campaign. “Navalny’s investigation highlights a non-obvious fact: Dmitry Anatolyevich is really the second person in the state<…>To be honest, I don’t know who else in our country is allowed to have such a resource - financial and political,” writes Alexey Polukhin, editor-in-chief of Novaya Gazeta.

Internet media

According to the Yandex-news service, the first news about the investigation appeared in online media at 13.15. Among the first to write about him were Mediazona, Republic, Echo of Moscow, RBC, Tsargrad (as well as Meduza, which is not indexed in the service). On the Kommersant website (owned by businessman Alisher Usmanov, whom Navalny mentions in the investigation), at 15:48 a news item was published under the heading “The Anti-Corruption Foundation has published another investigation.” Forbes published an article about “the fate of the site from Alexei Navalny’s investigation.” Life only posted a comment from Medvedev’s press secretary Natalya Timakova.

The websites of three major news agencies responded to the investigation after Timakova's comment at 2:40 p.m. At the same time, RIA Novosti did not retell the essence of the investigation in its report. “Earlier, Navalny posted a film with an “investigation” against Medvedev. Its authors stated that they spent more than six months collecting material,” RIA wrote.

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